For many Israelis, the departing minister Ron Dermer felt like a new face who appeared, seemingly from nowhere, to stand beside Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at his hardest hour, which was also Israel’s hardest in decades.
In truth, their partnership dates back to Netanyahu’s first term in 1996, nearly 30 years, during which more than 20 of those years saw Dermer serving under Netanyahu as finance minister and then prime minister. His record shows an ideological alignment with his political patron and, just as clearly, a steady promotion of shared interests at the junction where statecraft meets politics and, at times, business.
Despite a certain kinship between the two men, Dermer lacks the essential “Israeli chapter” that hardens a politician. It is hard to picture him brawling for a realistic slot in Likud, somewhere between May Golan and Hanoch Milwidsky.
So, does his resignation from the government mark the end of Dermer’s public career? Not necessarily. On the contrary, one could even bet that it doesn’t.
This is because some of the models Netanyahu is trying to implement are replications of “Trumpist” mechanisms. Therefore, it will be interesting to see whether Ron Dermer transforms from a minister into a kind of envoy who is also the prime minister’s partner, following the Steve Witkoff model.
Was his release from the position of government minister meant to write the next chapter not only in his own story, but also in that of Benjamin Netanyahu?
Dermer’s political work has often crossed the lanes where big money moves. The beginning, unsurprisingly, came at Netanyahu’s behest when he was finance minister in the Sharon government. In 2004, Dermer was appointed Israel’s economic envoy in Washington, taking up the post in 2005.
Part of his official mission was to persuade international funds not to invest in Iran. Another part was advancing Israeli corporate interests in Washington.
Pharma was a major arena, and Dermer put his shoulder behind Teva in particular.
His next state role, still under Netanyahu, as Israel’s ambassador to the United States in 2013, came with more economic intersections. In one notable case, he worked with then-Mossad chief Yossi Cohen to encourage the U.S. to lift restrictions placed on businessman Dan Gertler over allegations of paying hundreds of millions of dollars in bribes to secure mining rights in Congo.
The Abraham Accords carried hefty economic dimensions. Yet the more surprising credit he received came from Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla, who praised Dermer for helping secure millions of COVID-19 vaccine doses for Israel.
The business world, especially at the crossroads of connections, government, and profit, is not foreign to Dermer.
After Washington, he partnered at the consultancy Exigent, launched his own strategic advisory firm, and took a noteworthy 10% stake in pollster Midgam (Mano Geva). Upon becoming a minister, he sold the stake back to the company with payment agreed through 2029.
To call Dermer “close” to Netanyahu is an understatement. His ties to the Netanyahu family run deeper. Like anyone who has survived years in Netanyahu’s orbit, Dermer is known for a particularly good relationship with Sara Netanyahu. In truth, only Natan Eshel has logged comparable mileage.
What is the nature of the bond? It is unclear. Some say Netanyahu sees many points of resemblance in Dermer, though the latter is a generation younger.
Could Dermer be Netanyahu’s heir? Highly doubtful; here, the differences matter more than the similarities. Netanyahu was born and raised in Israel, served in an elite IDF unit, and is the brother of one of the country’s most storied fighters.
Those biographical facts helped him return from years in the United States as a son coming home, immediately slotting into senior roles in the camp he would later lead.
The family promise, and what comes next
Dermer, by contrast, even as he made aliyah and renounced his American citizenship when he became economic envoy, is still seen as a reinforcement player, the political equivalent of a naturalized import in Israeli basketball. Even admirers struggle to view him as one of the guys, much less a leader.
Why leave after less than three years? The official version is a promise to his family to serve no more than two years, extended by the war. Along the way, he learned the Israeli public sphere exacts a personal price, in his case, protest vigils by the Hostages’ Families Headquarters outside his home.
Even if you take that as the main reason, you are left wondering what comes next. It would not be surprising to see him become a “Steve Witkoff” in Netanyahu’s service, a figure with no formal title who nonetheless acts as adviser, representative, partner, and envoy.
Time will tell. It is worth recalling that the Trump–Witkoff relationship proved very profitable for both sides, publicly and financially.