The conclusion of the multi-front war in the Middle East presents significant strategic implications for Israel, which succeeded in recovering from the collapse on October 7, 2023, following Hamas’ surprise attack, by dramatically degrading the capabilities of Iran's proxies in the region, including Iran itself.
Israel demonstrated aerial superiority, which allowed it to act to prevent Hezbollah, Hamas, and other groups from rebuilding their power, employing the “mowing the grass” strategy even after a ceasefire is achieved.
While Israel has shifted the balance of power in its favor, the war simultaneously highlighted its complicated relationship with the West, specifically its closest ally, the United States.
When Israel planned to enter Rafah in mid-2024, then US president Joe Biden threatened to halt arms transfers. After Israel failed to kill Hamas political leaders in Doha, Qatar, US President Donald Trump urged Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to end the war, seemingly encouraging him to avoid being left globally and regionally isolated.
The strategic problem for the future
These examples are indicative of a more acute, strategic problem for the future of Israel’s strategic relationship with the United States.
During the Israel-Hamas War, antisemitic and anti-Israel factions increased their influence within both the Republican and Democratic parties, becoming more vocal than before.
While even mainstream Democratic figures, such as former vice president Kamala Harris, who plans to run for president in 2028, implied that Israel had committed genocide in Gaza, prominent MAGA-aligned figures who influence the Republican Party, such as Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens, mixed their criticism of Israel with harsh anti-Jewish rhetoric.
Although antisemitism is not a new phenomenon within parts of the American political establishment, since the formation of the Special Relationship between the US and Israel in the late 1960s, Israel has always attempted to maintain bipartisan support.
As Israel's national security doctrine heavily relies on the support of a great power, especially in conflict, the recent war, as mentioned, clearly demonstrated Israel’s dependency on the United States. This requires a multi-faceted approach.
Steps to mitigate Israel’s dependency
A necessary starting point is focusing on ways to tackle the antisemitic and anti-Israeli sentiments within both Republican and Democratic circles. Debunking false claims about Israel and the Jewish people, disclosing the origins of information campaigns, and promoting legal action against any means of boycott, and collaborating with the Jewish community are essential steps.
Furthermore, emphasizing Israel’s geopolitical, technological, and intelligence importance and value to the American defense establishment, as well as to society, academia, media, and other elites – particularly against the backdrop of the US-China competition – is another vital measure to securing the continuation of the Special Relationship.
Proven strategic advantage
In the 12-Day War, as well as in military campaigns against Hezbollah and the Houthis, Israel demonstrated proven, remarkable strategic advantages due to years of investment, preparation, and planning. It also showcased innovation and creativity to overcome tactical, operational, and strategic challenges that emerged throughout the war.
Developing a more sophisticated self-defense capacity to reduce its dependency on the US, amid the near initiation of negotiations over a new Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), is another necessary measure.
All these means are important, yet they cannot solve the foundational problem.
Thus, diversifying Israel’s alliances and partnership networks, as it does with friendly and strategic Central and Eastern European countries, is another crucial step.
Pivoting to Asia
Expanding these ties might enable Israel to hedge itself during future boycotts imposed by its Western allies, who also criticized it during the war and have failed to prevent the toxic spread of antisemitism.
Therefore, part of the solution must focus on Israel’s strategic pivot into Asia, where antisemitism is neither deeply rooted nor widely spread, and the desire for strategic cooperation exists.
It must be stated clearly: There is no replacement for the enduring, still stable, and strategic relationship between the United States and Israel.
Meaningful security guarantees
No other country in the world could provide its allies with meaningful security guarantees other than the United States.
For instance, neither of Iran’s allies, Russia and China, came to its defense or provided any material support during the 12-Day War, while the US massively mobilized its forces and led the regional coalition to protect its Middle Eastern allies from Iran’s retaliation.
Recently, Israel made an important move toward pivoting into Asia by encouraging the expansion of the existing strategic partnership with India.
Deepening relations with this emerging great power is extremely important. India and Israel share democratic values and appreciate each other’s rich history, culture, and innovative spirit.
Additionally, commercial and tourist relations are already thriving, both countries are involved in fighting Islamic extremism, and view each other as a reliable partner.
While India relied on Israel's equipment and defense systems, such as unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), during the May 2025 war with Pakistan (Operation Sindoor), it had also gained experience in addressing Chinese technologies and hardware.
As antisemitism and anti-Israeli sentiment in the West are growing, and as Israel’s dependency on the US during the war reflected a strategic problem for the future, deepening its relations with Asia, as a mean to diversify Israel's alliances, not to replace the Special Relationship, is a strategic imperative.
The writer is an AWC Postdoctoral Fellow at the Clements Center for National Security in the University of Texas at Austin. Recently, he was a research fellow in the Institute of Political Science at Academia Sinica, Taipei, under The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) of the Republic of China's (Taiwan) Fellowship.