In the wake of the killing of Palestinian American Saif Musalat in the West Bank, a heated discussion broke out in our newsroom—not only about the incident itself, but about one word: settler.
The suspects arrested were two Israeli civilians, described in most media outlets as settlers. But even that label sparked debate. Were they residents of officially recognized Israeli communities on land captured during the 1967 Six-Day War? Were they part of one of the many unauthorized outposts scattered across the West Bank? Or were they ultra-nationalist activists from inside Israel’s pre-1967 borders, who had come to build or defend a new hilltop encampment, making them settlers not in a residential sense but perhaps in a functional one?
This isn’t just semantics. The term “settler” carries political, legal, and moral implications. It shapes how readers interpret events, how governments frame policy, and how activists draw battle lines. In the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, where words are weapons, few are more fraught than this one.
“Settler” is not a neutral descriptor. In English, the word entered common use in the early 17th century to describe people establishing permanent communities in sparsely inhabited areas. At first, the term evoked ideas of pioneering and self-reliance. But during and after the age of European colonialism, it grew heavier with meaning, often associated with conquest, displacement, and injustice.
In today’s activist and postcolonial discourse, “settler” frequently implies illegitimacy, occupation, and even violence. That shift in meaning has colored its modern use, especially in contested areas like the West Bank.
What does 'settler' mean in Israel?
In the Israeli context, “settler” typically refers to any Jewish resident living beyond the 1949 armistice lines—what many call the Green Line. That includes communities in the West Bank, the annexed neighborhoods of east Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. But even this broad definition oversimplifies a far more complex reality. The West Bank, for example, is widely referred to within Israel by its biblical names: Judea and Samaria.
In Hebrew, the nuance is clearer. Two common terms are mitnahel, which tends to denote ideologically motivated settlers in politically contested areas, and mityashev, which has a more neutral or even nostalgic tone, evoking early Zionist agricultural pioneers and kibbutzniks. These distinctions are often lost in translation, especially in foreign media.
To some observers, settlers are a distinct group within Israeli society, set apart by ideology, religious commitment, or geographic location. To others, they are simply Israelis who happen to live beyond the Green Line. In this view, a family living in Ariel is no different from one living in Ramat Gan, and there’s no meaningful legal or moral distinction between the two.
In radical anti-Israel circles, the term “settler” is applied even more broadly. Some activists refer to all Israeli Jews—regardless of where they live—as “settlers,” asserting that the entire State of Israel is a colonial project. From this perspective, Tel Aviv and Tel Rumeida are equally illegitimate.
That contrast in usage reflects the deep divides not just over territory, but over history, legitimacy, and identity.
Adding to the complexity is the fact that West Bank settlers are not a monolithic group. While some are deeply ideological and view their presence in the territory as a religious or nationalist imperative, others move to these areas for more practical reasons. For many young Israeli families priced out of the housing market inside the Green Line, especially near the country’s economic center, settlements just over the line offer significantly more affordable options. For these residents, the decision is often driven more by the cost of living than by political conviction.
Inside Israel, there are legal differences among Jewish communities beyond the Green Line. East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights have been formally annexed and are fully under Israeli civil law. Residents of those areas are not typically referred to as settlers by most Israelis. The same is sometimes true for residents of large, long-established West Bank communities that receive official recognition and support from the Israeli government.
But internationally, those distinctions matter little. Most countries and international legal bodies consider all Israeli civilian communities beyond the 1967 lines—including east Jerusalem and the Golan Heights—to be illegal under international law.
For Palestinians, the term “settler” is almost always pejorative. The settlements are seen as encroachments on land designated for a future Palestinian state, and the continuing expansion—especially under the current Israeli government—has been viewed as a major obstacle to any viable two-state solution.
If “settler” is already a complicated word, the issue becomes even murkier with the phenomenon of the “hilltop youth”—a loosely organized group of a few hundred young, religious-nationalist activists who frequently spearhead the establishment of unauthorized outposts across the West Bank. These individuals often clash not only with Palestinians but also with the Israeli military and police. They tend to act independently, though often with quiet support, or at least noninterference, from state officials. Despite their small numbers, their confrontational tactics have made them a disproportionately visible and controversial presence on the ground.
Separate from the hilltop youth is a much larger group: the approximately 20,000 to 30,000 Israelis who live in unauthorized settlements, outposts, and agricultural farms throughout the West Bank. These residents may share ideological or religious motivations, but most do not engage in violence or confrontations.
According to the Israeli watchdog Peace Now, there were approximately 270 unauthorized outposts across the West Bank as of May 2025. Some of these are now slated for retroactive approval by the current coalition led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which has aggressively expanded settlements and approved new construction projects.
Together, the activities of the hilltop youth and the broader issue of outpost expansion have drawn sustained international scrutiny and become a recurring source of media attention and diplomatic friction.
As of 2025, about 529,000 Israeli Jews live in communities across the West Bank—not counting those in annexed east Jerusalem. When those areas are included, the number climbs to between 700,000 and 737,000.
Brig. Gen. (res.) Amir Avivi, founder of the Israel Defense and Security Forum, bristles at the way the term “settler” is used to paint an entire population. “You’re labeling an entire population, 150,000 normative Israeli citizens in Judea and Samaria, based on the actions of a tiny fringe,” he told The Media Line. “To talk about ‘settler violence’ is almost a racist concept.”
His figure—150,000—may refer to residents of more ideologically driven or controversial settlements. But even if so, that leaves a wide and diverse settler population, ranging from ultra-Orthodox communities to secular suburbs, from fully legal towns to remote and often illegal hilltop encampments.
The stakes of terminology are high. Calling someone a settler can suggest they are part of a movement—political, religious, or territorial—that may or may not align with how they see themselves. It can influence how violence is reported, how responsibility is assigned, and how peace—or its absence—is discussed.
Critics of the term argue it unfairly conflates a wide range of people with the actions of a small minority. Supporters of the term argue that it accurately names a system of population movement that, in their view, undermines Palestinian sovereignty and violates international norms.
In a region where every word can carry ideological weight, the question of who gets labeled a “settler” isn’t just about where someone lives. It’s about who they are, what they stand for, and whether they belong.
For journalists, diplomats, and readers alike, understanding that complexity is crucial. No word arrives without baggage—but some carry more than others. In the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, “settler” may be one of the heaviest of all.