Emmanuel Macron wants to be the peacemaker between Israel and Lebanon. You cannot embargo a country's weapons, block its arms flights, condemn its military operations as "indiscriminate," and then demand a seat at its negotiating table. That is not diplomacy. That is audacity.

Israel's decision to exclude France from the direct talks with Lebanon, beginning Tuesday in Washington, is being framed in European capitals as a snub. It is not. An Israeli official told The Jerusalem Post's Amichai Stein that "France's conduct over the past year, including initiatives aimed at limiting Israel's ability to fight in Iran, and a complete lack of willingness to take concrete steps to help Lebanon disarm Hezbollah, has led Israel to view France as an unfair mediator." Israel did not disqualify France. France disqualified France.

On March 31, France refused to allow US military aircraft carrying supplies for Israel to transit French airspace, the first such denial since the Iran conflict began. A source in the Elysee Palace later confirmed that France's position had been consistent "since the first day," meaning the restriction applied throughout the war. Israel's Defense Ministry suspended all procurement from France and initiated steps to terminate existing contracts. An Israeli official called it "the straw that broke the camel's back." A country that impedes weapons transfers to an ally in the middle of a war has chosen a side. That is not the posture of a neutral mediator.

Condemning Israel while Hezbollah fired

When Israel struck Hezbollah targets following the joint Israeli-American strike on Iran, Macron condemned the strikes "in the strongest possible terms." He did not condemn Hezbollah for launching rockets the day after the Iran strike. He did not call on Beirut to honor the November 2024 ceasefire, which required the Lebanese Armed Forces to deploy south of the Litani River and prevent Hezbollah from operating in that zone. When the US-Iran ceasefire was announced this week, Macron declared Lebanon "fully included," aligning Paris with Tehran and Islamabad against Washington and Jerusalem. For an honest broker, that is a revealing choice of allies.

This pattern is not new. In October 2024, Macron urged countries to stop arming Israel and imposed a partial embargo on Israeli defense firms, even as France's Defense Ministry quietly kept selling "defensive" components. CRIF, the umbrella organization of French Jewish communities, warned that denying Israel weapons "plays directly into the hands of Hamas and Hezbollah." That kind of double-bookkeeping does not build trust.

French President Emmanuel Macron and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun attend a meeting with Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa joining remotely, during a visit at the Elysee Palace in Paris, France, March 28, 2025.
French President Emmanuel Macron and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun attend a meeting with Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa joining remotely, during a visit at the Elysee Palace in Paris, France, March 28, 2025. (credit: REUTERS/Sarah Meyssonnier/Pool)

Twenty years of failure on the only question that matters

France's claim to a seat at this table rests on its long history in Lebanon: roughly 700 UNIFIL troops, deep Francophone ties, and generations of diplomatic access. But what has that leverage produced on the one question that matters, disarming Hezbollah?

When Resolution 1701 ended the 2006 war, Hezbollah had roughly 15,000 rockets. By March 2026, that arsenal had grown to an estimated 150,000 to 200,000 projectiles, including rockets, ballistic missiles, anti-aircraft systems, and drones. A tenfold increase while French troops wore blue helmets on Lebanese soil. Resolution 1701 required the area between the Blue Line and the Litani to be free of armed personnel other than the Lebanese military and UNIFIL.

Instead, Hezbollah turned that zone into a fortress of bunkers, launch sites, and tunnels. Paris will argue that UNIFIL's mandate was observation, not enforcement, and that the entire Security Council shares the blame. Fine. But France never pushed to change that mandate into something with teeth, and it kept renewing the toothless one year after year.

Joseph Bahout, director of the Issam Fares Institute at the American University of Beirut and a former consultant to France's own Foreign Ministry, concluded that neither Israel nor Washington wanted to grant France a leading role in negotiations they now consider entirely their own. When a Francophone scholar formerly embedded in the Quai d'Orsay reaches that verdict, it is a clinical diagnosis. Lebanon itself also made clear that it needed the US, not France, as mediator and guarantor.

The right framework

The Trump administration told the Lebanese: first act seriously to disarm Hezbollah, then we will talk with Israel. Vice President Vance warned from Budapest that it would be "dumb" for Iran to let the ceasefire collapse over Lebanon, a country that was never part of the agreement. Washington understands the architecture. Macron, who spent last week phoning Tehran and Beirut to issue solidarity statements, does not.

The talks begin on Tuesday. Israel's envoy will be Ambassador Yechiel Leiter, Lebanon's Ambassador Nada Hamadeh, and the American mediator Michel Issa. It is a lean table, built for results.

France had one job: earn the trust of the party it claims to want to help reach peace. It failed. Mr. Macron, you do not get to block the planes and then broker the peace.