The United States is 'Bibi-sitting' Israel from up close like never before - opinion

It was funny, self-aware, and on message. The “Bibi-sitter” ad positioned Netanyahu as the country’s responsible adult and person with a steady enough hand to keep Israel safe while others played politics. It captured his political brand: experienced, serious, and dependable.

I thought of that ad this week, but for the opposite reason. Because what we are seeing today is a new version of the Bibi-sitter – only this time, Netanyahu is the one being watched. And the sitter isn’t Israeli. It’s American.

This bear hug has a purpose. The Americans want to ensure that Israel understands the new rules of the game – that, from Washington’s perspective, the war is over. While it matters that Hamas has resurfaced on the streets of Gaza and that its gunmen are once again executing people in broad daylight, the war, Trump has declared, is finished. And unless he changes his mind, that is how it will remain.

In addition to the pace of visits – a president, vice president, and secretary of state in the span of 10 days – the US has now established a new Civil-Military Coordination Center for Gaza in Kiryat Gat. Vance inaugurated it this week alongside US Central Command (CENTCOM) Commander Adm. Brad Cooper. The base will host about 200 American troops, joined by officers from the United Kingdom, Germany, Jordan, and eventually other countries like the UAE. Their mission is to oversee the ceasefire and Gaza’s reconstruction.

FOR AN administration that had been expected to disengage from the Middle East and turn inward, the reality has been the opposite. America is more deeply enmeshed in the Middle East than at any time since the Afghanistan pullout in 2021.

In just the last two years, US forces have bombed Houthi targets in Yemen, struck Iranian nuclear sites, deployed carrier strike groups to the Persian Gulf, and now sent soldiers to Israel. This is not isolationism. It is America in the Middle East – and in Israel, directly.

Part of this is about strategy, but part of it is also about supervision. Washington wants to make sure Netanyahu doesn’t take steps that might reignite the war. When the Knesset held a preliminary vote this week to apply Israeli law to parts of the West Bank, Marco Rubio publicly warned that doing so could jeopardize the ceasefire and unravel the fragile calm.

The Americans understand how volatile the current moment is, and they are determined to prevent anything from blowing it up.

For now, at least, the US seems intent on remaining involved, and its message is clear: In the Middle East, there is never a shortage of reasons to go to war, but there are often far too few reasons to keep the peace.

There is, however, something deeper in all of this, something worth keeping in mind. Since Israel’s founding, every government – left, right, or unity – has repeated the same mantra to the world and especially to Washington: We do not need you to fight for us. We only need the means to fight for ourselves, and if given them, Israel will defend itself, by itself.

For most of the country’s history, that was true. While other nations relied on foreign troops for stability – South Korea, Germany, Iraq, Afghanistan – Israel prided itself on being different. Its citizens served, and its security was homegrown. American weapons were vital, but the fights were Israel’s alone. That was part of the country’s identity.

The last two years have begun to blur that line. When Israel found itself fighting on multiple fronts after October 7, it was the Biden administration that deployed aircraft carriers to the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf, warning Iran and Hezbollah to stand down.

In April and October of 2024, when Israel and Iran exchanged fire, it was the United States that helped intercept missiles, not just with its THAAD batteries deployed in Israel but through coordination with a CENTCOM-led coalition of countries that included Jordan, Saudi Arabia, France, and the UK. Already then, the old promise of “defending itself, by itself” was beginning to feel less certain.

Now, in the postwar phase, American soldiers have set up shop in Kiryat Gat to oversee the Gaza ceasefire, another fundamental change in Israel’s reality.

This is not to say Israel should resist the American presence. The alliance is existential. Israel depends on US diplomatic cover, intelligence sharing, and arms resupply, and the Americans benefit greatly from the strategic relationship as well. What is new, though, is the degree of oversight and the sense that Washington is not only arming Israel but also managing its behavior.

Without getting into the local Israeli political significance of this – the Right traditionally would push back in a situation like this and is not – what is happening is in Israel’s interest. Washington, too, is acting according to its own interests, which happen at the moment to align with those of Israel.

But the dynamic is shifting, and Israelis would be wise to recognize it. America is no longer a distant ally; it is now a supervising partner. The phrase “Bibi-sitter” has taken on a new meaning.

None of this means Israel is weak or dependent. Over the past two years, it has shown that it can re-engineer the Middle East. It now has the potential to normalize ties with Saudi Arabia and continue to lead the coalition that will stop Iran. It has demonstrated remarkable resilience and power. But it has also learned something new: Even the strongest nation in the region cannot stand entirely alone.

The war may be over, at least for now. The living hostages have come home, and Israel can finally begin to breathe again. But Hamas remains, and the streets of Gaza are once again ruled by masked men with rifles.

Back in 2015, Netanyahu promised that only he could keep Israel safe. Today, safety depends almost as much on Washington as on Jerusalem. And that may be the truest measure of how much Israel’s world has changed.