The dust has yet to settle over Iran’s Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan nuclear sites, in the wake of recent US-led strikes. It is impossible to know whether the ceasefire that left Israel in a dominant position will hold, but assuming it does, now is the time to look inward.
Elections are likely to come soon. The government coalition that emerges will bear the historic responsibility of stitching back together Israel’s frayed core – and of addressing two fundamental challenges: ultra-Orthodox (haredi) military conscription and the rebalancing of Israel’s governing institutions.
Israel has just endured some of the most turbulent years in its history. A failed judicial revolution, followed by the October 7 attack and a protracted and ongoing war, has rocked the country to its core. The initial unity that followed the 2023 Hamas attack gave way to bitter discord over how to end the war in Gaza and secure the release of the hostages.
At the same time, political forces have deliberately exacerbated domestic disputes over the role of the judiciary and the separation of powers. This has all unfolded as hundreds of thousands of Israeli reservists shoulder a crushing burden – while the ultra-Orthodox remain largely exempt from military service.
The war with Iran posed yet another formidable challenge. Israeli civilians have suffered from a new wave of devastating attacks, and Iran’s proxies are still working overtime to intensify the damage.
Still, following a stunningly effective Israeli opening campaign and successive waves of attacks – joined by the United States – there is growing confidence that the war’s strategic objectives have been achieved: degrading Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities and diminishing the power of its regional proxies.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu now has the political leeway to finalize a hostage deal and bring the war in Gaza to a close. At that point, he is expected to call for elections. Riding a wave of military success against Iran, his prospects look very different than they did just months ago. Early polls already show his popularity rising, and that trend may well continue.
Israel's opposition at a critical juncture
This puts Israel’s centrist, center-right, and center-left parties – those currently sitting in the opposition – at a critical juncture. Should they maintain their blanket refusal to join a Netanyahu-led government, or should they pivot to campaigning on substance rather than personalities?
This decision could shape Israel’s future for decades to come. No one can predict the outcome of the next elections, but one thing is clear: A repeat of the current coalition – composed of Likud, far-right nationalists, and ultra-Orthodox parties – would be disastrous for national cohesion. It would pose an existential threat to the very fiber of Israel’s democracy.
Netanyahu deserves criticism. His long tenure and recent decisions have drawn legitimate outrage. Entire dissertations could be written detailing why he should be permanently disqualified from public life. Still, this is cold comfort: If the opposition’s continued refusal to substantively engage leads to another narrow right-wing government, the price may be cripplingly exorbitant. The chaos of the judicial overhaul, for example, might have been avoided had a broader-based government been in place two years ago.
The war with Iran could mark not only a turning point in regional security but also a pivotal moment for national renewal. Having thwarted a dire external threat, Israel must now confront the internal one: disintegration from within.
This will require a new kind of government: one grounded in a shared Zionist vision, and broad enough for a majority of Israelis to feel represented and heard. And yes, such a government might still be led by Netanyahu – if the electorate so decides.
The next government, regardless of its composition, must do more than heal a beleaguered nation – it must renew it. It must tackle two of Israel’s deepest challenges: integrating the ultra-Orthodox into national service and passing a “thin constitution” – a basic civic framework to stabilize Israel’s democracy. No narrow coalition can accomplish this. On the contrary, such a coalition would drag the country back to the brink.
Only a broadly supported government can transform today’s crisis into an opportunity for a more resilient, united, and democratic Israel.
The writer is the director-general of the Jewish People Policy Institute and a senior lecturer in law at the Peres Academic Center.