Israel faces a military crisis centered not on who serves in its armed forces but on who does not. The most significant group of non-participants consists of segments of the ultra-Orthodox community, the haredim.
While not all haredim reject military service, a substantial portion adamantly oppose any involvement with the Israeli Defense Force. Some go further, rejecting all aspects of Zionism itself. One haredi rabbi’s public attacks on Defense Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir exemplify this extreme position, demanding that this observant Jew abandon his religious practices and eat pork. Such vitriol against Zionism might well constitute treason if expressed within Israel’s borders.
The challenge of equal service
How can Israel ensure that all citizens who benefit from IDF protection also contribute to national defense? Several approaches warrant consideration.
The most straightforward solution would be to extend the military draft to include the haredi community. Israel has maintained conscription since its founding, but the ultra-Orthodox have been granted exemption dating back to 1948. This arrangement made sense when their numbers were negligible, following the pattern of many nations that exempt clergy from military service. However, demographic realities have shifted dramatically. Haredim now constitute nearly 15% of Israel’s population, more than triple their 4.6% share in 1948. Their characteristically large families ensure that this proportion will continue growing, with projections showing they will reach 16% by decade’s end.
From a strict libertarian perspective, any draft violates individual rights, regardless of national defense needs. The most extreme libertarian position would abolish conscription entirely, relying instead on a volunteer army. Compliance could be encouraged through social boycotts of military-age citizens who refuse to serve, with severe penalties for fraudulent claims of service.
Alternative solutions
A market-based approach would maintain the draft while allowing individuals to purchase exemptions by paying others to serve in their place. This would accommodate those with strong religious objections to military service, enabling the haredim to focus on Torah study as they desire. While the ultra-Orthodox community generally has lower average incomes than other Israelis, a child subsidy system reflecting their higher birth rates could offset this financial burden, creating a workable compromise.
Perhaps the most provocative approach would involve the prime minister delivering this message to draft resisters: “You choose not to join the military that protects you? That is your right. You may continue benefiting from others’ sacrifices. However, expect no protection from the IDF or any state security forces. When crimes are committed against you, do not call the police. The state will not pursue justice on your behalf. This principle extends to external threats as well. Should Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, or Iran target your communities exclusively, you must defend yourselves without state assistance.”
The October 7 reality check
The events of October 7, 2023, provide compelling evidence that mandatory conscription may be less necessary than commonly believed. In response to Hamas’s unprecedented attack, Israel witnessed the fastest and largest reserve mobilization in its history. Within 48 hours, 300,000 reservists answered the call, eventually reaching 360,000 mobilized troops. According to former IDF spokesperson Daniel Hagari, the military “has never mobilized so many reservists so quickly.”
More significantly, this mobilization occurred spontaneously, driven by patriotic duty rather than legal compulsion. Israelis abroad scrambled to return home, overwhelming El Al flights and prompting the air force to deploy Hercules transport planes to bring soldiers back from Europe. Veterans beyond the mandatory reserve age volunteered to serve. As 56-year-old entrepreneur Noam Lanir, who lost family members in the Yom Kippur War, told reporters: “Now it is my time.” He volunteered alongside his two adult sons, despite being well past the age of mandatory reserve duty.
This voluntary response demonstrates that when Israel faces genuine existential threats, citizens respond without needing the coercive power of conscription laws. The spontaneous mobilization exceeded the military’s immediate capacity to absorb and equip all volunteers, with many reporting equipment shortages and organizational chaos in the initial days. This suggests that a smaller, professional military supplemented by motivated volunteers during emergencies could serve Israel’s security needs as effectively as universal conscription.
Current realities
Theory aside, the facts reveal a complex situation. While the draft technically applies to all eligible citizens including the haredim, compliance remains far below requirements. The IDF recently sought 1,300 ultra-Orthodox conscripts but inducted only 900. This represents an 85% increase from the previous year, suggesting some progress, though still falling short of needs.
Why such limited participation? Political realities provide the answer. The haredi community views any draft from their ranks as intolerable. The current numbers represent a delicate compromise. Pushing for greater compliance would likely cause haredi parties to withdraw from the governing coalition, triggering new elections that might produce an administration too eager to pursue premature peace agreements before ensuring Israel’s security.
A technological solution
The optimal solution may lie in military modernization rather than political confrontation. The IDF currently relies too heavily on ground forces, exposing soldiers to unnecessary risks. By shifting toward air power and missile systems, which require fewer personnel, the military could reduce its overall manpower needs and thus the pressure for universal conscription.
This approach aligns with recommendations from multiple historical IDF committees that have consistently advocated for a smaller, more efficient military. The Ben-Bassat Committee, established in 2005 under defense minister Shaul Mofaz and headed by economist Prof. Avi Ben-Bassat, concluded that Israel maintains a surplus of troops relative to its combat equipment. The committee, which included the deputy chief of staff and representatives from the defense and finance ministries, recommended shortening mandatory service periods. Their report found that between 1990 and 2011, Israel’s military personnel pool increased by 16%, despite no corresponding growth in threats requiring a standing army.
The government approved the Ben-Bassat plan in 2006, though implementation was postponed following the Second Lebanon War. The subsequent Winograd Commission endorsed these findings, and the Brodet Committee in 2007 similarly adopted the plan, recommending its implementation by 2011. The Meridor Committee’s Subcommittee for Security Perception, headed by Dan Meridor, also supported these recommendations. More recently, the 2015 Locker Committee, chaired by reserve general Yonatan Locker, reiterated the need for significant efficiency measures and personnel reductions, proposing to fix the army’s annual budget at NIS 59 billion, while demanding greater transparency and structural reforms.
These committees recognized that modern warfare increasingly relies on technology rather than sheer manpower. By investing in advanced air defense systems, precision missiles, and intelligence capabilities, the IDF could maintain or even enhance its defensive capabilities while requiring fewer soldiers on the ground.
The haredi draft issue reflects deeper tensions within Israeli society about religious freedom, civic duty, and national survival. While no perfect solution exists, a combination of technological adaptation, political compromise, and creative policy mechanisms may help balance these competing values while maintaining Israel’s security in an increasingly dangerous region.■
Oded J.K. Faran is the director of Faran and Co International Translation Ltd., based in Tbilisi, Georgia, specializing in legal and technical translation for international clients. He is the author of Jacob’s Ledger, a blog focused on the intersections of economics, law, and geopolitics, aimed at professionals who value clear thinking and grounded analysis. www.jacob4savage.com
Walter E. Block is the Harold E. Wirth eminent scholar endowed chair and professor of economics at Loyola University New Orleans and author of walterblock.substack.com. His main claim to fame is that he once played chess with Nobel Prize-winning economist Friedrich Hayek, and shook hands with political economist Ludwig von Mises.