It’s difficult to define the situation we’re in while speaking with Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee chairman Yuli Edelstein, the central figure in the public storm, using the cliché “the calm after the storm.”
It’s more of a short break between waves, and it seems Edelstein is well aware of what’s to come. With nearly 30 years of political experience, including in the Knesset, it’s hard for him to get worked up over political dramas, even when he’s at the heart of them.
By the time Maariv spoke with Edelstein, all the briefings had been delivered, and the accusations of betrayal, conspiracy, and secretive cooperation with Bennett or Lapid, among others, had already been tweeted and widely circulated.
Edelstein, as always, exuded calm, even slightly suspiciously so, considering the atmosphere and circumstances. He responded to all the accusations, explaining what really lies behind the wording of the conscription law. He clarified this wasn’t an attempt to subvert anything, but a genuine attempt to legislate a law that would bring about change, not just make excuses.
The question most often asked, given the drama and accusations against you, is: “So, what did Yuli Edelstein really want with this move?”
Some claim he tried to topple the government rather than genuinely promote a conscription law.
“I want, wanted, and will want one thing – to bring a real conscription law. Maybe not perfect in everyone’s eyes, but one that addresses the IDF’s needs, with a gradual draft of the ultra-Orthodox. This is a serious law: personal and institutional sanctions, real numbers, and tight oversight. This law ends the phenomenon of pretending to study Torah. To me, that’s a disgrace to the world of Torah.”
The whole country has become an expert on your conscription law, but in practice, few have actually seen the wording.
It wasn’t even distributed to the members of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. What exactly in the law scared the ultra-Orthodox so much? Those who saw the document later claimed that many "goats" were added and that you changed what had already been agreed upon.
“There were no ‘goats.’ What was agreed upon appeared. What wasn’t agreed upon, the ultra-Orthodox were scared of. I won’t hide it, the demands became stricter. But not to blow it up, rather to ensure it’s a real law that will also stand up to legal scrutiny. I never committed to a bluff law.”
You admit to becoming stricter. But perhaps you went too far and missed a historic opportunity to draft ultra-Orthodox people, even in small numbers? Wouldn’t it have been better to go as far as possible to accommodate them?
The law would have passed, and perhaps that would have led to even a partial change in ultra-Orthodox society.
“I don’t agree. If I had wanted, I would have chosen a softened version. But when you constantly hear opposition to sanctions and oversight, it’s suspicious. The IDF doesn’t require tens of thousands at the moment. So if the intention is really to draft a few thousand, what’s the problem with introducing sanctions? They probably never intended to actually draft.”
When Netanyahu came to your office in the Knesset, did you explain to him that you weren’t trying to topple the government? Was there suspicion in the air?
“I didn’t need to. Netanyahu has never believed those ‘scare stories,’ that I’m in cahoots with Lapid, Bennett, or Eisenkot. Not even Yair Golan. I respect the intelligence of the prime minister, who understands there’s no basis for that.”
Are you open to the possibility of being removed from the chairmanship of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee?
“I don’t think that’s being considered. It’s not a serious move. Such a firing would end any chance of passing the law in this term.”
Based on the sharp attack and severe accusations against you from the ultra-Orthodox, it seems they see you as the obstacle. They may ask the prime minister to replace you?
“I don’t rule out scenarios in politics, but I’m not afraid, and I’m not considering changing my positions. My conscience is completely clear. Maybe that’s why I don’t attack or curse. Because when there’s no argument, they shout. They know I’m right.”
Did you get any calls from the ultra-Orthodox after the accusations? Maybe they tried to explain or ask for clarifications?
“No. And I’m not changing my approach. I don’t act out of hatred for the ultra-Orthodox, and I don’t make a living from it. If anyone wants to talk seriously, they’re welcome. There was a serious proposal. They read it. Want to improve it? They can come up with a counterproposal. Why leave the government? It’s not clear.”
<a href="https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/politics-and-diplomacy/article-861387">Shas stayed in the coalition</a>, surely not by chance. Do you see any possibility of bridging the gaps and passing the law later?
“The ball is in the ultra-Orthodox court. I’m not a poet who ponders every rhyme. But our proposal is on the table. If they have another proposal, let them bring it. I’m always available as long as there’s a real desire to reach agreements.”
When the attacks come from within Likud, like Shlomo Karhi’s tweet claiming you always wanted to topple the government, does that worry you politically?
“Not at all. I didn’t see the tweet, and I’m not interested. Likud knows who I am. Everyone I’ve met since, in Jerusalem and elsewhere, supports and strengthens me. I know what people in Likud think.”
Is there a scenario where, in the next elections, you might run with a party that is not Likud?
“No. It hasn’t been considered, and won’t be considered.”