In January 2025, the IDF launched Operation Iron Wall in the West Bank, aiming to restore operational freedom inside Palestinian refugee camps. Military officials now say the operation has yielded significant results.
The campaign, led in coordination with the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), targeted armed terror cells, some directly funded by Iran, known as katibat. Since the start of the operation, the number of senior wanted suspects has dropped from around 120 to just a handful, according to Israeli security sources.
“There are no longer armed parades in the camps. There are no more safe havens,” one senior defense official said. “A year ago, we couldn’t enter the heart of the Jenin refugee camp. Today, there’s no more daily gunfire at nearby Israeli communities.”
The IDF also reports a sharp decline in terror alerts and thwarted plots, citing some of the lowest figures in recent years. That, officials say, is due to near-continuous activity across the West Bank. “We now have the operational freedom to act wherever we need,” the official added.
Dealing with explosives and weapons
One of the campaign’s early focuses was neutralizing the threat of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) on key routes leading into Samaria’s refugee camps. “We started with hundreds of IEDs. Now we’re down to just a few,” the defense official said. “This is a broad, ongoing campaign.”
According to the IDF, more than 1,000 terrorists have been killed in air and ground strikes since the start of the operation, with roughly 4% identified as uninvolved civilians. Over 2,000 weapons have also been seized.
“We are aggressive but very precise,” said the official. “Anyone who visits the camps today will see they’re unrecognizable. These used to be the central hubs of terror activity. At some point, we realized that without taking back the camps, we couldn’t achieve long-term results. And now? We’re seeing the lowest level of terrorism in a year and a half.”
Holding ground
To consolidate gains, IDF Judea and Samaria Division Commander Brig.-Gen. Yaakov Dolf pushed to keep troops stationed inside the refugee camps for at least a year.
“When asked, ‘Why a year?’ the answer was: ‘Because we need to reshape the space—to turn it into a functioning neighborhood.’ And that’s what we’re seeing today,” said the defense official.
Many armed operatives have fled to nearby villages and cities, forcing the IDF to adjust its deployments across the region. Troops are now spread between camps, cities, and rural areas to sustain pressure on terror networks.
Arrests are now more targeted, but security officials say their cumulative effect is critical. “We cannot abandon the camps yet,” the official emphasized. “We’re preparing them for the day we’re told to withdraw. If we leave next month, we need to ensure we can still operate freely and maintain access.”
Structural changes in deployment
To support the expanded mission, the IDF increased its forces from 13 to at least 22 battalions. Troops are now tasked with protecting the Seam Line, securing roadways, and operating deep in Palestinian-controlled areas.
The division also shifted to a brigade-level combat team (Tzakha"ch) structure. Initially, the Kfir Brigade led operations until it was reassigned to Gaza. Reserve battalions and a Tzakha"ch from the IDF’s training base later assumed control.
Still, a senior military source said, “There’s no substitute for the lethality of regular infantry battalions.”
While the IDF has no plans to stay in the camps indefinitely, officials say a future withdrawal will only take place under conditions that preserve Israel’s freedom of action. “If the terrorists return, the Palestinian Authority will need to handle infrastructure inside the camps, water, sewage, electricity, roads,” the source said.
The military is also exploring ways to control entry points to the camps and carry out security screenings to prevent renewed militant activity. In parallel, Israel is considering allowing additional Palestinian police stations to operate inside the camps to restore basic governance.
Within political circles, one proposal under discussion involves demolishing certain camps, such as Jenin, and replacing them with new neighborhoods, similar to the planned Palestinian city of Rawabi.
A silent Palestinian public
Despite Israel’s continued ban on most Palestinian laborers working in Israel, there has been no widespread unrest.
“The Palestinian public is indifferent,” said the defense official. “They want to live. They’re not resisting. The IDF’s role is to prevent them from sliding into violence.”
Before Hamas’s October 7 massacre, over 200,000 Palestinians worked in Israel or in West Bank industrial zones. Today, that figure has dropped significantly. According to estimates, about 40,000 Palestinians are staying in Israel illegally, alongside 10,000 legally employed workers and another 20,000 in West Bank factories. Many others have found alternate employment.
Meanwhile, the Palestinian Authority is facing a deep financial crisis due to Israel’s withholding of clearance revenues, taxes collected on its behalf. Without these funds, the PA is unable to pay salaries, including to its own security personnel.
In light of the relative stability in the West Bank, Israeli defense officials have reportedly recommended easing restrictions and allowing more Palestinian laborers to return to work inside Israel.