Following the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, three potential paths have emerged. The first envisions a transition toward a diplomatic resolution, aligned with Trump’s proposed peace framework. The second anticipates a swift breakdown of the truce, fueled by Hamas’s refusal to disarm and its continued acts of terrorism, leading to a return to full-scale war.
The third suggests a prolonged transitional phase: a fragile balance that falls short of lasting peace but avoids high-intensity war. The deadly attack in Rafah on Sunday, which exacted a heavy toll, underscored this reality: Hamas violated the terms of the ceasefire, yet Israel refrained from reigniting a full-scale war to give Trump’s plan a chance.
The IDF nevertheless acted decisively, responding with measured force rather than symbolic strikes as it did before October 7. For any future violations in Gaza, Israel must be ready to strike Hamas again and prepare for a return to intense warfare should Trump’s plan collapse.
Completing the first stage of the agreement to end the war, which requires Hamas to return all the bodies of the hostages, is a moral and security imperative that Israel will not rest until fully achieved. Israel holds all the leverage to ensure the return of every hostage, including closing the Rafah crossing, restricting the flow of humanitarian aid, and, if necessary, returning to targeted assassinations - no longer endangering the living hostages that Hamas used as human shields.
Strategic compass
At the same time, Israel must not lose its strategic compass - disarming Hamas and expanding the normalization with the Arab and Muslim world.
Israel must move forward with the second stage of President Trump's 20-point plan and ensure that developments in Gaza do not interfere with Trump’s efforts to expand normalization with the Arab and Muslim world, an opportunity that holds dramatic economic, political, and security benefits for Israel.
Simultaneously, Israel must push the US to complete Stage B of the plan, which includes disarming Hamas and demilitarizing the Gaza Strip. The way to achieve this goal lies in establishing a multinational stabilization force with a clear and unambiguous mandate to demilitarize the Strip and secure the legitimacy for Israel to destroy military infrastructure in Gaza and thwart any threats where the multinational force may struggle to fulfill its mission.
Israel must act to achieve strategic coordination with Washington regarding the necessary accomplishments in Stage B: the destruction of Hamas’s military infrastructure, the confiscation of heavy weaponry, the destruction of tunnels, and preventing smuggling by blocking the Egypt-Gaza border. Israel must make it clear to the international community that any vague wording in the mandate for the multinational force entering Gaza, or any attempt to differentiate between "defensive" and "offensive" weapons, will plant the seeds for the next cycle of escalation.
The US administration is pushing to end the war and move toward Trump’s vision of regional peace, but Washington understands, especially after the recent events in Rafah, that there can be no "end of the war" without disarming Hamas. The visit of Vice President Vance, along with mediators Witkoff and Kushner, should have focused on presenting a plan that clearly defined an effective mandate for the multinational stabilization force, as should the upcoming visit of Secretary of State Rubio. Without a strong oversight mechanism, US backing, and a willingness to use the veto in the Security Council, Trump's plan could quickly unravel, especially given Hamas’s aggressive efforts to maintain dominance in Gaza and the support it will receive from Turkey and Qatar, which may attempt to exploit vague clauses in Stage B of the president’s plan.
Main issues
Here are ten issues where coordination between Israel and the Trump administration is critical:
- The mandate, missions and composition of the International Stabilization Force (ISF), must focus on disarming Hamas and demilitarizing the Gaza Strip - a single, clear goal without room for interpretation.
- A precise definition of "disarmament" and "demilitarization": destroying tunnels, production sites, confiscating heavy and advanced weapons, blocking smuggling, and more. There is no room for "defensive weapons" in Hamas’s hands, despite the distinction in Trump’s plan between defensive and offensive arms.
- Preventing the "Hezbollah model": Hamas must not be allowed to continue controlling Gaza behind the scenes as an armed force under the cover of a legitimate but weak technocratic government with international support.
- US-Israel side agreements: Israel must have the freedom to act against any future buildup or threats from Gaza that the multinational force does not address, similar to the model established by the ceasefire agreement with Hezbollah in the north.
- A technocratic transition authority: It should initially focus on reconstructing areas under Israeli control, free from Hamas and terrorist infrastructure (demilitarized zones).
- Positive regional involvement: Saudi Arabia and the UAE, not Qatar and Turkey, should be the dominant players in the multinational force, the transitional government, and the financing of Gaza's reconstruction processes.
- US veto power: Any decision in the Security Council that does not align with Trump’s twenty-point plan principles should be blocked by the US.
- Protecting local citizens: The force's mandate should include responsibility to protect families and tribes that resist Hamas.
- Effective oversight of the implementation of Trump’s plan, led by US Central Command (CENTCOM), not the UN.
- Operational freedom and intelligence: Ensuring freedom of flight and intelligence gathering throughout the Gaza Strip.
Completing the return of all hostages is a moral and ethical obligation. In the long term, disarming Gaza and dismantling Hamas remain essential to achieving the war’s objectives, while advancing normalization and Israel’s integration into the Middle East will complete the victory.
Israel cannot afford to return to the reality of October 6th, and must ensure Gaza never again poses a threat to its citizens. Therefore, Israel must be prepared for the possibility that, in the long run, the diplomatic approach in Gaza may fail, and must prepare an alternative, surprising military plan to destroy Hamas as a terror army, including a technological-operational solution to neutralize its main military capability - the tunnels.
Maj. Gen. (res.) Amos Yadlin is a former head of Israel’s Military Intelligence Directorate and the founding president of MIND Israel.